Gaddafi’s white African mercenaries

Muammar Gaddafi relied extensively on mercenaries from elsewhere in Africa to secure his rule. It is usually assumed they're black Africans. It turns out a lot of them come from South Africa. And they're white.

A poster of Muammar Gaddafi in Benghazi, Libya, in April 2006 (NH53, via Flickr CC).

Danie Odendaal calls Gaddafi’s thwarted escape attempt from his last stronghold, Sirte, “a terrible failure.” He probably knows. From a Libyan hospital bed, Odendaal informed South African Sunday paper Rapport he was one of some twenty, mostly white, South Africans contracted to get Gaddafi out of town, and into neighboring Niger. It turned into “a gruesome, gruesome orgy.” But Libyan rebels also appeared sympathetic towards foreigners, careful “not to shoot them.” More: they helped him escape. On Monday, a middle-man trying to fly the surviving South African men out of Libya (two of them died), “gave assurances that these men were not involved in anything illegal. He said they were contracted by Nato, and that Nato and the UN would pay for the flight” (News24). Prior to Gaddafi’s killing on Thursday, another “team of South African mercenaries helped Muammar Gaddafi’s family out of the war zone of Tripoli (…) to hide out in Algeria.” South African newspaper The New Age has the full story.

In other words: not only did Gaddafi rely on experienced South African farmers to get his olive fields growing, word also spread to Libya there are some skilled and eager mercenaries (‘all ex-police officers’) to be found in South Africa.

It puts the story about Libya’s African mercenaries – usually assumed to be black and from Niger or Chad – in a different perspective.

Further Reading

A sick health system

The suspension of three doctors following the death of Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s son has renewed scrutiny of a health-care system plagued by impunity, underfunding, and a mass exodus of medical professionals.

Afrobeats after Fela

Wizkid’s dispute with Seun Kuti and the release of his latest EP with Asake highlight the widening gap between Afrobeats’ commercial triumph and Fela Kuti’s political inheritance

Progress is exhausting

Pedro Pinho’s latest film follows a Portuguese engineer in Guinea-Bissau, exposing how empire survives through bureaucracy, intimacy, and the language of “development.”

The rubble of empire

Built by Italian Fascists in 1928, Mogadishu Cathedral was meant to symbolize “peaceful conquest.” Today its ruins force Somalis to confront the uneasy afterlife of colonial power and religious authority.

Atayese

Honored in Yorubaland as “one who repairs the world,” Jesse Jackson’s life bridged civil rights, pan-Africanism, empire, and contradiction—leaving behind a legacy as expansive as it was imperfect.

Bread or Messi?

Angola’s golden jubilee culminated in a multimillion-dollar match against Argentina. The price tag—and the secrecy around it—divided a nation already grappling with inequality.

Visiting Ngara

A redevelopment project in Nairobi’s Ngara district promises revival—but raises deeper questions about capital, memory, and who has the right to shape the city.